Davos, Switzerland

Well, we’re in the home stretch, ladies and gentlemen—let’s end today. Let’s have the sixth installment be our finale. And for the previous installments, click on the following links: I, II, III, IV, and V. And just to remind you (as though you needed reminding), we’re at the Annual Meeting of the World Economic Forum, high up in the snowy, snowy Alps, in Heidi country. (Actually, Heidi lived in a valley below, I believe—been a while.)

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We are now in the cozy dining room of the Rinaldi Hotel, meeting the Thai prime minister. He is Abhisit Vejjajiva, and he has not been in office very long—Thai politics has been topsy-turvy of late. He is young, in his mid-40s, and he looks even younger. He talks and acts in a crisp, polished way. He could be the London School of Economics, or possibly the Kennedy School. I lean British, however—in part because of the way he says “territory.” It comes out “territry.”

I look him up later, for I haven’t had time before: He is actually Eton and Oxford. Yes, that’ll do it.

I remember what David Pryce-Jones once said to me: “I emerged from Eton and Oxford a perfectly nasty little leftist.” He soon got over it, however, if it was ever true. And Vejjajiva is clearly not a little leftist, nasty or otherwise. He talks about economic growth and the dangers of protectionism.

And this happens to be a rather touchy day back at home. His political opponents, the “red shirts,” are massing, and Vejjajiva says that, if they reach Government House, things could get very ugly. He is in close touch with his deputy, who is keeping an eye on things. At some point in our discussion, Vejjajiva’s cellphone goes off (pretty loudly). A song plays. The Brit sitting next to the PM says, “U2?” Vejjajiva answers, “Prince.”

And a senior American journalist quips, “This is probably not a good day to be receiving a cellphone call.” But there is apparently no problem.

I say to Vejjajiva, “You are here, rather than at home, even on this touchy day. Does that signal confidence in the stability of your government?” Vejjajiva answers that it is important to reach out to the world, to show the world that the government is stable and keen to engage.

We have talked about some domestic threats—internal challenges to Thai democracy. Are there any foreign threats? Vejjajiva says, “Only the contagious effects of other nations’ financial problems.” Much laughter. Someone quips, “So you’re saying that the major threat to you is the United States.” Vejjajiva wants to make it clear that it was not he who said that.

Later on, one of us asks whether his chief political opponent will one day get the better of him. He answers, rather quietly and slyly, “Never underestimate the power of a person with a lot of money.”

Abhisit Vejjajiva is sharp, very sharp, and an excellent talker. Thailand could have a worse representative on the international stage.

Pause for a joke? Why might the prime minister of Thailand fall in love with someone with his same first name? Because Abhisits attract.

Václav Klaus has come to town—and he meets us in this same Rinaldi for a half-hour or so. Klaus is the president of the Czech Republic, as you know. And his country happens to hold the presidency of the European Union at the moment. What is Klaus like, politically and philosophically? Well, just consider this: He won the major award of the Goldwater Institute, in Phoenix, Ariz., last year.

A Turkish journalist is present—I believe she’s from Turkey (I have arrived a little late)—and she asks, naturally, about Turkish accession to the EU. In the course of his answer, Klaus cites Milan Kundera. He once wrote something called “The Owners of the Key” (if I have heard correctly). And Klaus says, “No one should own the key”—have a monopoly on the key—“of the EU.” Klaus’s attitude seems to be, “Come one, come all.”

The same journalist has asked about “the future of Europe.” Klaus wants to know, “Do you mean the future of Europe or the future of the EU?” Because those are two markedly different things. The journalist narrows down to the EU. And Klaus says, “My answer is that I hope Europe will survive the EU.” And he believes it will: because the EU is “a man-made organization,” and Europe is something old and substantial (certainly more substantial).